The African Tribune - Tajudeen A. Raheem

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Tajudeen A. Raheem

Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is General_secretary of the Global Pan African Movement since 1994, based in Kampala, Uganda and also Director of Justice Africa, based in London. Tajudeen is Nigerian by origin and is resident in Uganda and London. He was a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford where he gained his DPhil in political science. He was a founder member of the Africa Resource and Information Bureau, London, and has been at the centre of numerous initiatives to promote peace and democracy in Africa. Tajudeen writes and lectures on Africa for several journals and universities. He is Chairperson of the Centre for Democratic Development and the Pan African Development Education and Advocacy Programme.

Nigeria! Nigeria!

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, missing in Nigeria for the last five weeks, discusses the aspirations of the continental powerhouse to African and international leadership. Despite its stated intentions, the country just doesn’t seem able to get its act together, he writes, using as examples Nigeria’s loss of the African Development Bank presidency to Rwanda and its quest for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

I must begin this piece with a thousand apologies to my readers for the spasmodic and epileptic appearance of this column in the past five weeks. It would have been easier for me to advise my editors and readers that I was going to be on holiday for X number of weeks. But as a 'good African' the idea that I should be on holiday was anathematic to the cultural instinct.

Whether peasants or presidents we are programmed to work till we die even if the evidence of the work may remain scanty. If you suggest to an African that he/she should go on holiday he/she starts suspecting that you want to get rid of him or her! Annual leave and a period set aside when you throw caution to the winds and just relax are anathematic to many Africans, rich or poor, urban or rural. Our lives are a kind of permanent emergency needing constant urgent attention. Therefore we keep trying to fit in permanent work without break – as well as the numerous immediate and extended family demands on our time and endless socio-cultural, multi tasked economic coping mechanisms in addition to endless community, and village must do activities!

The other and perhaps more pressing reason has to do with the objective fact of where I have been in the past five weeks: Nigeria. Somehow the country is not synonymous with holidays! The hassle and tussle of survival in Africa's allegedly No 1 country and self-declared super power is one that will task the best spirits of the most eccentric adventurer. As regular readers of this column will know, over the past five years when I became a legal visitor to Nigeria again - after more than a decade of being 'wanted' by the various caricatures of leaders - whenever I am in Nigeria this column is never regular. All kinds of objective and subjective circumstances conspire to make this column less than regular whenever I am in the country. Hence the various editors (whose papers carry this column) have developed a kind of 'Nigerian discount' for my lapses in beating deadlines. The amazing thing is that I have written this column without failing from all kinds of places before, including blighted war torn Eastern Congo, remote places in Burkina Faso, on French keyboards in a Caf?here people spoke only French or local languages I did not understand; and also from newly liberated post Genocide Kigali. Nigeria is on the face of it not at war but not a peace therefore everything is a daunting obstacle race!

Yet this is a country that has proclaimed since independence from the British in 1960, its 'manifest destiny' not only to lead Africa but Black people wherever they may be in the world. The irony is that many Africans or even African countries are not disputing this putative leadership. They only wished that Nigeria were able to lead effectively. If anything stands in the way of Nigeria it is its own self-doubt and its inconsistencies that is undermining its claims to leadership.

Take the example of two out of many issues currently occupying the chatters of foreign policy minded academics, policy wonks, sections of the media and some civil society activists: Nigeria's recent loss of the Africa Development Bank (ADB) presidency to Rwanda and Nigeria's quest for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

The national pride was greatly hurt that 'little Rwanda', despite not having majority African support in most of the tortuous stages of the ADB presidency contest, defeated Nigeria in Tunis after a deadlock in Abuja.

A number of things counted against Nigeria, which my Nigerian friends are unwilling to come terms with. One, the country's influence does not go far beyond Abuja itself. If you bring people to Abuja you can have your way but outside of it they may change their minds. Two, Nigeria is too complacent in its diplomacy, believing that its case is 'too clear.' Three, this complacency makes its officials to believe that the country is the only selling point whoever the candidate is. Four, Obasanjo's obsession with external validation was once again proven to be pointless. He bends over backwards (often against national instinct for anti western independence) to please America in particular and the West in general yet when it matters their own geopolitical interests dictate clipping Nigeria's wings in Africa and building sub regional counter checks. Five, it is not only the West that is interested in cutting Nigeria to size. There are many seemingly friendly African countries who desire the same though they may not openly articulate this. South Africa is an obvious candidate in this category. So is Egypt, Libya, and many other pretenders to leadership of Africa. There are smaller and less resourced states who cannot make such claim but play the bigger or better resourced African states against each other, buttering their bread in all ways and most of the time going for the highest bidder. It’s a kind of cash and carry diplomacy.

Post apartheid South Africa has many reasons to be grateful and friendly towards Nigeria but it also has many reasons to check mate Nigeria's regional influence as it seeks its own economic and strategic interests on the continent. It wants business with Africa's largest market but also contests the leadership claims of Africa's sleeping giant. No amount of personal rapport between leaders and diplomatic niceties can hide these contradictions. Nigeria's folly is in believing that 'there is no problem.'

Six, and perhaps more importantly under Obasanjo, Nigeria has developed a more personalised diplomacy around 'Baba' and whatever whims catch his erratic moods. Professional, well-trained and experienced diplomats of which there are many in Nigeria's foreign ministry have been relegated to mostly onlookers or undertakers for a very interventionist and domineering presidency. It is very clear that Obasanjo believes he is his own best foreign minister in addition to being the best in everything Nigerian! The ‘Babacracy’ (or is it ‘BabaCRAZY’?) that undermines Nigeria's nascent democratic order has been extended to foreign affairs, making it impossible for anybody to have any positive influence unless Baba allows them.

There are many more reasons that Nigerians need to wake up to if they are going to realise many of their assumed and oft repeated diplomatic and strategic goals in Africa and the world. Otherwise they will forever be beaten by so called small countries backed by larger interests.

And this is where Nigeria's immediate foreign policy goal of securing one of the two anticipated African seats on the UN Security Council in the ongoing UN reform proposals also runs into serious troubles. If Nigeria has its house in order no African country would be bold enough to challenge its claim - rather they would be clamouring for the second seat. However, even in West Africa where Nigeria claims to be the sub regional power, Senegal is also in the race. If Nigeria cannot have the unanimous support of its own backyard why should it expect the unanimous endorsement of the rest of Africa?

The atmosphere is so charged that many of my Nigerian friends and comrades have lost all kinds of objectivity in assessing their situation and think I must be a traitor to be raising doubts about the country's ineffectual claims to continental leadership when it cannot even lead itself. Some even suggest that I have lost touch and I have no right to comment on Nigerian affairs because I have been away for so long from the country.

Yet what we are debating is not domestic affairs but international affairs. They need to persuade others not themselves but somehow this detail is lost in the petty nationalist jingoism that clouds these discussions. And they wonder why 'foreigners' cannot accede to their claims! If they claim that because a Nigerian lives outside of the country he or she has no right to talk about domestic politics they should at least have consistency in their own logic by being a little bit humble when discussing matters outside the borders of Nigeria. The 'foreign' Nigerians may have more to share with them by way of how others see Nigeria, which is far different from how many Nigerians see their country, its potential, place and role in both African and global affairs.

In memory of John Garang

Who would have thought that exactly three weeks after the historical and momentous occasion of the inauguration of the transitional government of national unity in Khartoum we would be mourning the death of the vice president of Sudan, under that peace agreement , Dr John Garang . In less than a month, the huge hope and expectations raised by the peace agreement (signed in Naivasha, Kenya , in January ), negotiated for several years and culminating in the inauguration of July 9, seem to be doomed .

The predictable riots in Khartoum mostly by grieving southerners and the even more predictable high handed response by the Sudan security forces only serve the cynicism of many people both inside and outside who have always believed that peace between the north and south, meaning Arabs and Africans is not possible.

Between July 7 and 9 the whole world watched the outpouring of emotions on the streets of Khartoum and other parts of Sudan as John Garang arrived for the innauguration of the transitional government. Little did we all know that the millions that turned out to welcome the newly rehabilitated rebel leader to a city he last visited 21 years ago and the many more who turned out on July 9 for the inauguration and saw him take the oath of office as the first vice president of Sudan were saying good bye to Dr John.

Like most people, when I first learnt of the disappearance of the helicopter in which Dr. Garang was travelling I immediately suspected foul play. It was a hope against hope between Saturday evening and Sunday evening when it was finally confirmed that the aircraft had crashed and there were no survivors.

The immediate consensus from many quarters was that foul play was unlikely. This quick verdict further fuelled one's suspicions. Before a definitive verdict was declared there should have been an investigation first. There were two reasons why many people believed the 'no foul play' explanation. One, Garang was travelling from Uganda, on one of President Museveni's aircraft flown by Ugandan crew. Since Museveni has been the closest regional ally of Garang it is inconceivable that he would have been party to any conspiracies against his long term comrade. The other reason I believe is that nobody wants to contemplate foul play because the peace process in which everyone has invested so much material and political resources for many years both regionally and internationally will be dead. Therefore fear of failure and desperation for victory dictates giving the benefit of the doubt.

Both reasons are not enough for us to suspend all disbelief. If you are an Arab chauvinist (as there are many among Sudan's ruling elite) who did not believe in sharing power with African Sudanese and who have spent all your live demonising Garang the January peace accord and Garang's swearing in on July 9 was a day of defeat for you. If you were also a Southern chauvinist who believe that peaceful coexistence with your Arab neighbours was not possible then Garang will be a traitor as far as you were concerened.

Between both groups killing Garag would have been on the cards but which of them had the means? Also If you were planning to take your revenge what other circumstance will give you the best cover for your dastardly act and a fool proof alibi than Garang travelling to his foremost allied country and in that country's aircraft manned by its citizens, to mount your counter attack? Even Agatha Christie could not have constructed a more perfect murder . Therefore while we are assured that Garang was under the safe care of his Ugandan allies, who will guarantee us that there were no enemies lying in the jungles of kidepo and environ as the helicopter headed for Lumbek? As for the other reason about wanting peace at all cost it has thrown blinkers in the eyes of many of us . While I am prepared to agree that the top leadership in Khartoum , i.e . Omar Al Bashir and Ali Osman Taha, may mean their commitment to peace we cannot say the same for some of their generals.

Those fervently opposed to the new peace deal do not need the permission of Khartoum to carry out there anti peace efforts. While they may be allies of Khartoum and could have been aided and abetted by them, Khartoum may not be able to control all their efforts. We have curent examples among the Janjaweed elements in Darfur who began as allies of Khartoum but now operate beyond the control of their former masters. Another pertinent example is the Sudan – Uganda deal that even gave Uganda right of hot pursuit into Sudan territory against the LRA. More than two years later LRA is still very much operating in Sudan with the connivance of sections of the Sudanese military and security establishment. Who is to say the same type of fifth columnists were not at work in the border regions of Uganda, Kenya and Sudan last Saturday?

We welcome Uganda's immediate setting up of an investigation panel and call for joint effort with the Government of Sudan, IGAD, and the African Union and international community to independently investigate the crash in order to assure those who are extremely doubtful that it was an unfortunate accident . The same was said of Samora Machel's crash but we know better now. Until we have the report of that panel it is difficult to say a proper goodbye to comrade John Garang . That will come later. For now one is full of why and who type questions. Before you accuse me of being a conspiracy theorist please let me share an anecdote with you. A Schizophrenic Man was accused of being paranoid and he retorted to his accuser: "The fact that I may be paranoid does not mean that there is no one conspiring against me."

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